From EFA post-2015 to EFA 2030: A Reflection on the Asia-Pacific Regional Education Conference

By Manzoor Ahmed, BRAC University.

post2015 EFA AsiaThe first of the UNESCO-organised regional consultations planned to be held in different regions leading to the World Education Forum in Incheon, Korea in May 2015 took place in Bangkok between 6-8 August 2014 for the Asia Pacific Region. This is to be followed by consultations for Latin America and Caribbean, Lima, Peru, 30-31 October 2014;  Pan-European and North America Region, Paris, 3-4 December 2014;  Arab Region, January/February 2015 (location tbc); and African Region, Kigali, 9-10 February, 2015.

Hints about the state of discourse on the future Education For All (EFA) Agenda can be surmised from the discussion in the meeting and its outcome called the Bangkok Statement.

  • It was the first regional meeting after the Muscat Agreement adopted earlier in May 2014, billed as the Global EFA Meeting. Seven new global EFA targets were adopted in Muscat to be “used” in continuing regional and national EFA discourse and to be taken as “reference” for negotiation of the post-2015 global development agenda. There was a push on the part of the Bangkok organisers to have an endorsement of the Muscat Agreement, which is indeed reflected in the statement with its categorical language supporting “the vision, principles and targets laid out in the Muscat agreement.”
  • The participants from the region, including civil society and academia, however, expressed their concerns in the discussion about several aspects of the Muscat text – the lack of a robust financing target including donor commitments, measurability of targets in country contexts and less than a global character of participation in Muscat, despite its title (including the absence at senior level of the World Bank and UNICEF).
  • The Bangkok participants clearly balked at giving a full-throated endorsement to the Muscat text, making the Bangkok Statement somewhat self-contradictory. See, for instance, their specific recommendations for GDP and national budget ratios for education (6% and 20% respectively), and reminding donors of their obligation. The participants, looking ahead to 2030, found it unacceptable that at least 12 years of education would not be universal (compared to 9 years agreed in Muscat). They clearly wanted to uphold a bold EFA vision for the future.
  • The participants were puzzled about why global citizenship and education for sustainable development had been combined in one target (Muscat target 5), not the least because of the lack of clarity about what each meant in concept and practice and how they could be juxtaposed as one common target. In the end, the compromise in Bangkok was to accommodate both under the heading “skills and competencies for life and work.”

A good debate arose in the drafting group about the responsibility of the education community to uphold an overarching vision of human agency and human capability enhancement as the central thrust of sustainable development, asserting human rights, human dignity and people’s empowerment as vital elements of sustainable human development. It was argued that “human” should be a descriptor of development along with “sustainable” to counter the justified urgency of the planetary limits and the crisis of climate change overshadowing   the human dimension of development.  EFA – the primacy of learning and the capability approach – then has to be a key goal as well as an overarching principle for defining, elaborating and assessing all global development goals. But human agency and the capability approach apparently were too academic and arcane for the majority in the drafting group and not incorporated into the outcome text. Yet, can and should the underlying argument be ignored in the EFA2030 strategy, whether this is reflected or not in the global SDG 2030?

A reasonably strong presence and active participation of civil society and NGO representatives influenced the tone and tenor of the discussion and the character of the outcome document to a degree. Whether this kind of involvement makes the discussion genuinely international, rather than only intergovernmental in the other regional consultations and the world forum itself in Korea is a pertinent question.  A pattern has emerged in global conferences to have a civil society dialogue in parallel, often prior to and in a separate venue, before embarking on the serious business of decision-making by official representatives.

Even though a timeline of 15 years to 2030 is pretty much the consensus, there seems to be a preference for the vagueness and fuzziness of “post-2015”, instead of the more definitive EFA 2030 and SDG 2030. Should we not begin to concentrate on the 15-year horizon and focus on the distance and the destination ahead, assessing progress in the past 15 years and prospects in the next 15 years. In this respect, each Muscat target is categorical about the timeline of 2030, whereas the Bangkok Statement is still about “beyond 2015.”

Manzoor Ahmed is Professor Emeritus at BRAC University, Chair of the Bangladesh ECD Network, and Vice Chair of the Campaign for Popular Education (CAMPE), Bangladesh. Email: amahmed40@yahoo.com

NORRAG (Network for International Policies and Cooperation in Education and Training) is an internationally recognised, multi-stakeholder network which has been seeking to inform, challenge and influence international education and training policies and cooperation for more than 30 years. NORRAG has more than 4,000 registered members worldwide and is free to join. Not a member? Join free here.

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Human Resource Development Strategies and Structure in South Africa: Planning, Plumbing, or Posing?

By Stephanie Allais, University of the Witwatersrand.

SA.flagGovernments who are attempting to develop education policies and systems that meet the needs of their economy are constantly exhorted to ensure that different aspects of policy ‘join-up’ with others. Having a national ‘peak structure’ constituted by ministers, senior labour representatives, and senior people from industry and business which meets regularly to discuss human resource development policy should be a good way of achieving such coordination, and the 2012 Education for All Global Monitoring Report praises South Africa for its various policies and systems aimed at developing the skills of its young people. Why then, does the South African Human Resource Development Council seem to have achieved so little to date? Two colleagues and I reviewed various primary sources and ‘grey literature’ surrounding the Council, and drew on our personal experiences and reflections working in and participating in the structures and processes analysed, in an attempt to understand this situation. Our analysis suggests that human resource development in South Africa has been, and continues to be, more a matter of posturing than planning. The first Human Resource Development Strategy released in South Africa in 2001 can be described as posturing because it said much about what needed to be done, and contained many noble aims and intentions, but had no implementation structure attached, had no way of coordinating its work across government, and is generally acknowledged to have been a complete failure.

For a brief period some success was experienced in terms of ‘plumbing’—or solving specific problems and achieving specific gains in terms of producing appropriately skilled people in identified areas. This was through an intervention to address perceived skills shortages, known as the Joint Initiative on Priority Skills Acquisition (JIPSA), which took place in between the failed First Strategy and the new Strategy which is now in place. JIPSA was widely seen as very successful at bringing together high-level stakeholders to focus on solving key problems in the skills development ‘pipeline’, and was sometimes referred to by the individuals involved as a successful ‘plumbing’ process.

The second Human Resource Development Strategy, released in 2010, attempted to build on the successes of JIPSA, and address the criticisms of the first Strategy. A Human Resource Development Council led by the Deputy President and consisting of representation of many key Cabinet Ministers and ‘captains of industry’ as well as senior labour representatives was created to oversee the coordination of the Strategy, which is coupled with a National Integrated Human Resource Development Plan. However, this Strategy, even with the associated plan, is also closer to posturing than planning. It has almost no concrete achievements to date.

The Council meets a few times a year, for official meetings as well as workshops, filling a large room with heavyweight individuals for one or two days. It is supported by a small but growing office of permanent staff. The bulk of its actual work is supposed to be carried out through ad hoc and temporary Technical Task Teams, which get created in order to identify solutions to problems in specific areas. But instead of being ‘nimble’ extra-bureaucratic mechanisms which can get things done, they seem to be an additional bureaucratic mechanism, or a mechanism which reinvents the work of the bureaucracy, without being aligned to the existing bureaucratic mechanisms.

In short, the Human Resource Development Council is a coordinating mechanism, which tries to make the different parts of the system talk to each other, but without actual mechanisms either to create integration or to hold the different parts of the system to account, and with poorly conceived structures and systems. This leaves it as not much more than a very high-level and widely supported talk shop. The Strategy which the Council is supposed to oversee is an unwieldy and unfocused list of targets which was developed based on the work of all government departments, but without a clear sense of priority.

The problem is not just poorly conceptualized national human resource development structures and processes, although there are many institutional and bureaucratic problems with the Council. Starting from the idea of humans as essential resources which need to be developed, and moving to the idea that policy needs to ‘join-up’ leads to an obsession with getting everyone talking together, but no clarity on what they should be talking about, and whose economic, political, and ideological interests are underpinning whatever it is that they are cooperating to do.

Getting senior people who represent different important constituencies together to talk about human resource development is not a useful thing to do, because national human resource development is so broad and an unwieldy a concept. And recent literature and UN resolutions seem to aggravate this by equating human resource development with human development. The logic is, on one level, sound—if people are to contribute in the economy they not only need the appropriate skills, but also to be healthy, housed, and so on. But this is very unhelpful in enabling governments to choose policies to focus on. It also creates the impression that developing the knowledge, skills, and abilities of people is the starting point of social and economic development, which leads to a lack of policy focus on the social, economic, and political changes that are needed to sustain social and economic development as well as skills formation. At the same time it implies that giving people skills is something that should primarily be done for the good of the economy, which leads to a distortion of education systems as they become narrowly and inappropriately focused on the world of work. The equation of human resource development with human development leads to the further distortion that people should only be healthy and housed because they can then better contribute to the economy.

Skill formation systems have typically been effective in late developing states when accompanying effective industrialization drives—something South Africa has yet to achieve. Rising levels of prosperity lead to increased levels of educational achievement, and increased demand for education, and motivation to succeed in education. Skill formation systems are embedded in various complex relationships in any given society, including political and economic policy and power relations, collective bargaining arrangements, industrial relations, and industrial strategy. Better understandings of the specifics of these relationships, and what needs to change if skill formation systems are to improve, is what is sorely lacking, particularly in the developing world. Without such insights, it is easy to understand why the Human Resource Development Council seems unable to achieve its mission.

Stephanie Allais is a Senior Researcher at the Centre for Researching Education and Labour (REAL) at the University of the Witwatersrand. The research on which this piece draws was conducted with Carmel Marock and Siphelo Ngcwangu from the REAL Centre. Email: stephanie.matseleng@gmail.com

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Slowing Education?

By Mònica Serlavós, NORRAG, Geneva.

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« Should we prepare the students to be intelligent and revolutionary but unemployed or alienated producers-consumers? »[1]

 

Legros and Delplanque (2009)

From the 2nd – 6th September 2014 more than 3,000 people from 74 different nationalities gathered in Leipzig (Germany) for the 4th International Conference on Degrowth[2] for Ecological Sustainability and Social Equity.

The Leipzig conference aimed at exploring ‘concrete steps towards a society beyond the imperative of growth’. All the panels were thematically organised around three themes: 1) facing the current crises: critique and resistance; 2) building alliances; and, 3) visions and strategies for the transformation. Among all the topics addressed – including housing, transport, food security, social services, environmental issues and others – a key one was education. Several panels and scientific sessions were organized on education, including: ‘Dimensions of learning for a degrowth society’, ‘Following Ivan Illich – education in a convivial society’ and ‘Creating ruptures and re-imagining society’.

Some of the main points shared by all the speakers and panellists on the subject refer to the importance of being aware of: a) the existing conceptualization of society and education systems, b) how we construct the world from a social-cultural constructivist approach, c) the key role of community engagement at the local level, and, d) the severe disconnection of humans with regard to our social and natural environment.

Behind all these elements lies an agreement on the important role of education as a means to transform society. Curiously, in spite of this and the fact that education is considered by some to be a tool to model people’s behaviour, values, skills and knowledge, there is a gap in the degrowth literature concerning education issues. Broadly speaking, in the so-called western developed countries we are facing a situation in which values transmitted through education imply a specific conceptualization of the world and our place in it. It is what Legros and Delplanque (2009) call ‘teaching as usual’ referring to an educational model that contributes to perpetuate a hegemonic thinking through the mythicization of values like growth, competition, individualism, success and progress, more often than not approached from a purely quantitative perspective.

But how could a gradual transition take place when the current system offers limited space to question the roots of its weaknesses? In that sense, hybridization between the individual and collective level could be one plausible answer.

The balance between providing citizens with the tools and the critical spirit to try to find new ways of doing things, and socializing them to be part of the existing society, is a critical element in this process. In line with this, there might be realistic propositions adapted to each context with the aim of raising interest among adults about the kind of society and the sort of education we want. These elements could lead us towards the construction of a slow, decentralized, locally based, democratic and participative transition process in which each of us would become an ‘educator’ in our own environment.

As in any other process of thinking and reflection, we ended up with more questions than those that led us to write about those issues in the first place. Who will be the change agents and what will be their strategies in all this process? To what extent is the training of teachers a key part of this transitional process and how it should be approached? What is the role of public policies and civil society in all this? And last, but not least, what would be the effect of such an educational change in relation to the degrowth approach to work?

 

This blog is based on the article entitled ‘Reconsidering the transitional role of education’ presented in the 4th International Conference on Degrowth for Ecological Sustainability and Social Equity in the panel on ‘Creating ruptures and re-imagining society’ by Mònica Serlavós.

Mònica Serlavós is a Technical Officer at NORRAG in Geneva. She holds a MA in Development Studies from the Graduate Institute of Geneva during which she particularly analysed social and solidarity economy as a transitional path towards a degrowth society. Email: Monica.serlavos@graduateinstitute.ch

Reference

Legros, B. and Delplanque, J. (2009) L’enseignement face à l’urgence écologique, Editions Aden

[1] Translation by the author.

[2] As defined by the organization committee of the Conference, degrowth refers to the ‘downscaling of production and consumption in the industrialized states that increases human well-being and enhances ecological conditions and equity on the planet’.

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Learning and Working in the Informal Economy – What do we Know and What Should we Do? A German perspective

By Léna Krichewsky, The Otto-von-Guericke University Magdeburg.

toolkitThe share of self-employed workers and employees without regular work contracts is rising globally, reaching over 70% of the workforce in African countries like the Ivory Coast, Mali or Zambia, and over 60% in Bolivia, Honduras, Nicaragua or Paraguay. The problems associated with informality – poverty, precarious work conditions, gender inequalities and social as well as economic marginalization, among others – are not new and have been described and analysed for over 40 years by numerous economists and social scientists. By asking “Is informal normal?”, the OECD has, however, been challenging our perspective on the phenomenon, prompting us to reconsider what we already know about the causes and consequences of informal employment and how we deal with it.

Taking the example of German development cooperation policy in Vocational Education and Training (VET), changing perspectives on the informal economy can be observed to materialize both in policy documents and in projects or programmes on the ground. In its early days, cooperation in VET focused on setting up vocational training centres with modern equipment in cooperation countries. These centres were to be used to train specialists and managers in the latest technologies who, in turn, would then drive economic and social development in their own countries. However, focusing on the skills development needs of a non-existent or embryonic formal economy did not always yield the desired results. In particular, this approach failed to reach poorer segments of the population and to strengthen the local economy. The ‘Vocational Education’ concept published by the Federal Ministry of Development Cooperation (BMZ) in 1992 made the first mention of target group-specific measures for those working in the informal economy. The  meta-evaluation report (in German) commissioned by the Deutsche Gesellschaft für Internationale Zusammenarbeit (GIZ) GmbH in 2011 in the area of vocational education and training found, however, that “Only a very small number [of projects] relate explicitly to the informal sector in which pro-poor results are most likely to be achieved”. As a consequence of this evaluation, learning in and for the informal economy became one of the four priority areas of BMZ’s strategy for vocational education and training as defined in its 2012 Position Paper (German only).

In practice, the priority given by the BMZ to the informal economy lead to the increased promotion of a more flexible approach to VET provision, the systematic cooperation with local partners to develop target-group oriented measures and a holistic approach aiming at overcoming incompatibilities and institutional barriers between learning forms. The improvement of traditional apprenticeship training, the recognition of informally acquired skills and the opening up of TVET centres to provide short-term, demand-oriented courses to informal workers are but a few examples of concrete action.

While research-based evidence on the costs and benefits of specific tools and approaches used to promote target groups from the informal economy is scarce, there are many examples of good practice which can be provided by non-governmental organisations and state-led development agencies. In order to systematise existing theoretical and practical knowledge on learning and working in the informal economy, the BMZ recently commissioned the GIZ to develop an online platform bringing together the results of academic research and experiences from practitioners. This toolkit is now available in English at www.giz.de/toolkit-informal-economy. Building on the insights of renowned international experts such as Marta Chen, Robert Palmer, Richard Walter and Patrick Werquin, the toolkit provides the opportunity to foster exchanges between researchers and practitioners both from Germany and other countries.

Léna Krichewsky works at the Department of Vocational Education and Training, The Otto-von-Guericke University Magdeburg. Email: lena.krichewsky@ovgu.de

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Sustaining Literacy in Africa: Developing a Literate Environment

By Peter B. Easton, Florida State University.

literacy in AfricaThe goal of achieving widespread and durable literacy in Africa and other target areas of Education For All is not likely to be attained – even by the next international deadline chosen – if equivalent attention is not given to ensuring that the basic skills school leavers and new literates acquire can in fact be regularly and beneficially used in the environments where they live.

Drop-out figures and weak rates of literacy retention witness all too often to the absence of such supportive conditions. Programs based on the assumption that literacy is its own reward take inadequate account of the dearth, in depressed environments, of the materials and opportunities that create learning imperatives elsewhere. As Malian farmers in the “Boucle du Niger” region of West Africa were wont to reply to extension agents recommending new agricultural equipment to them in the years that I spent there, Kòlongòsi bè dlòn fè, sen t’a la: “The tortoise loves to dance; he just doesn’t have the legs!” In short, certain basic conditions are required to learn and exercise new routines in life.

One critical issue of research and practice broached in my recent book on Sustaining Literacy in Africa” Developing a Literate Environment (2014) is therefore to examine the conditions under which local usages for literacy begin to multiply in poor communities, and measures for building an environment where acquisition and retention of literate and numerate skills come naturally to the majority of the population. Educators have made some real progress in improving the supply side of literacy – that is, in providing learning materials, instructional methods and teacher training programs – but they have typically been much less versed in tending to the demand side of the equation, or the factors that determine the usability of new knowledge in different settings.  Most such usages reside in fact outside education itself – in domains like agricultural marketing, health promotion, small business creation and natural resource management with which educators have little professional contact. Yet the experience examined in the book strongly suggests that literacy acquisition only accelerates in deprived regions when new social, political and economic opportunities take shape – or are configured – to intensify demand, and when educational supply is closely linked to the learning requirements of such change.

Building this type of “literate environment” typically means rethinking sectorial development strategies in joint instructional design and empowerment terms, where:

  • progressive literacy acquisition and mastery of basic skills are closely linked to the assumption of new socio-economic responsibilities and viable livelihood options on the ground; and
  • the spread of different levels of competence beyond a limited cadre of current occupants of the functions in question helps ensure the democratic character of the undertaking, active monitoring by stakeholders and the possibility of recruiting new blood if the old turns sour.

Both history and current experience suggest that the one of the quickest routes to literacy and numeracy acquisition lies in the exercise of significantly increased resource management responsibilities. From the Bronze Age Fertile Crescent, where writing was invented as a means for managing proliferating irrigation schemes, to 17th century England, where the rapid growth of business and manufacturing spurred by the triangular trade stimulated literacy to such an extent that, Harvey Graaf (1987) maintains, the common school had to be established to control and regulate it as much as to promote it, a lesson seems clear: increased responsibility for governance, resource management and economic activity that create the strongest demand for new skills.

Lacking these, education may have very little “purchase.” As a good colleague from Burkina Faso put it in lapidary fashion during a field discussion of strategies for promoting literacy for management purposes in the country’s rural areas, “On ne gère pas le néant!”: “You can’t manage nothing!” But when circumstances or policy change resource flows, experience documented and discussed in the book suggests that the resulting reinforcements on the demand side have a further positive consequence. The development of new opportunities for beneficial usage of skills generally serves to “smoke out” unsuspected human resources and reservoirs of existing competence in the local population that those concerned had not previously though it worthwhile to mobilize.

An old maxim of adult education underlines a related and relevant principle: “Teaching is the art of putting people in situations from which they cannot escape without learning.” But the cross-sectoral policies and intervention designs that create such situations and bolster effective demand have been little analyzed in available educational literature.

[Editors note: readers familiar with the 2006 Education For All Global Monitoring Report on Literacy will of course recall their earlier point about the importance of developing rich literate environments if the literacy challenge is to be met].   

Further reading:

Easton, P. (2014) Sustaining Literacy in Africa: Developing a Literate Environment. Paris: UNESCO Press. 295 pages.

Peter Easton is an Associate Professor of Educational Leadership and Policy at the College of Education, Florida State University, Tallahassee, FL, USA, Email: peaston@fsu.edu

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Africa Must Invent its Own Economic Model

By Albert Damantang Camara, Minister of Technical Education, Vocational Training, Employment and Labour, Guinea.

AfricaAbidjan (Côte d’Ivoire) hosted the Third Ministerial Conference of the Inter-country Quality Node on Technical and Vocational Skills Development (ICQN/TVSD) from 22nd to 23rd July 2014.

[La version originale de ce blog a été écrit en français et apparaît ci-dessous]

Like previous events of its type, the Ministerial Conference aimed to ‘think about and take resolute action on the type of socio-economic measures required and promote the type of skills which should be developed to allow young Africans to gain access to jobs and thus earn a decent living while doing all they can to create wealth in their countries’.

A major decision to emerge from the conference was the adoption of a work programme to encourage inter-country cooperation, investment in training and the implementation of the education-training continuum.

One key question has yet to be answered, however: how can enough jobs be created to absorb the many unemployed individuals – of all ages, genders and levels of training – flooding the job market every year?

It is now becoming clear that the classic economic theory of virtuous growth which creates wealth and, thereby, jobs has been superseded. In the debate in Abidjan, the Ivorian employers’ representative asked a very pertinent question: during a discussion of the average rate of growth in Africa (5%) as a reason to feel hopeful for the future, the businessman asked who was driving that growth. We might also ask what is driving it.

The answer is clearly not local small and medium enterprises (SMEs). We can be sure of this because our economies and private sectors are actually too weak to create sufficient jobs. Our industries and local production of goods and services are practically non-existent. We therefore import most of our convenience goods and, in so doing, as was pointed out by the representative of Benin, we import unemployment for our young people.

For these reasons, I wholeheartedly espouse the reaction of the Moroccan Minister for Vocational Training, who advocated an alternative assessment of the criteria for growth.

In my opinion, then, the time has come to pay heed to the theory posited by British economist Tim Jackson, according to whom growth as it is currently envisaged is not a viable prospect.

In a report submitted to the British government by the UK’s Sustainable Development Commission, Jackson suggests among other things that we replace the use of fossil fuels with human labour, in particular by the means of ‘green jobs’ in construction, transport and agriculture.

He also raises the idea of creating environmentally friendly businesses and jobs, which increase quality of life by offering local services. These low-energy services would make it possible to reduce unemployment without creating growth.

Until our businesses gain the impetus to create jobs, the State must do so. If our countries are under construction and/or still developing, major infrastructure projects should be able to absorb the unemployed youth. Basic social services also have a role to play, and we know that our public-sector staffing quotas fall way short of actual needs. How many of our hospitals and schools are still lacking doctors and teachers?

We inherited our African economies from Western systems, and they have continued to be configured to fit the standards imposed by our economic and financial partners. The G7 and G20 powers are all reassessing their economic models; some have gone so far as to call them entirely into question. Even the most liberal of governments are calling upon the State to shore up private businesses. It is time for Africa to examine its own economic model. That is where healthy, sustainable and wealth-creating growth is to be found for the entire continent.

Albert Damantang Camara is Minister of Technical Education, Vocational Training, Employment and Labour, Guinea. Email: damantang@msn.com

———-

L’Afrique Doit Inventer son Modèle Économique

Albert Damantang Camara, Ministre  de l’Enseignement Technique, de la Formation professionnelle, de l’Emploi et du Travail, Guinée.

DU 22 au 23 juillet 2014 s’est tenue à Abidjan (Côte d’Ivoire) la troisième conférence du Pôle de Qualité Inter-Pays dans le Domaine du Développement des Compétences Techniques et Professionnelles (PQIP/DCTP).

La conférence des Ministres, comme les précédentes, avait pour objectif « d’engager une réflexion et une action en profondeur sur le type de mesures socioéconomiques à promouvoir et le type de compétences à développer pour que les jeunes africains puissent accéder à l’emploi et ainsi gagner décemment leur vie tout en participant au maximum à la création de richesse de leur pays »

A la fin des travaux de la conférence il a été notamment décidé d’adopter un plan de travail encourageant la coopération inter-pays, l’investissement dans la formation et la mise en œuvre du continuum éducation/formation.

Une question fondamentale reste posée : comment créer suffisamment d’emplois pour absorber la masse de chômeurs qui se déverse chaque année sur le marché de l’emploi ? Qu’ils soient diplômés ou non, jeunes ou adultes, hommes ou femmes.

Aujourd’hui il devient évident que la théorie économique classique de la croissance vertueuse, créatrice de richesse et donc d’emploi est dépassée. Au cours des débats de la conférence d’Abidjan, le représentant du patronat ivoirien a posé une question pertinente lorsqu’il a été évoqué le motif d’espoir que représentait le taux moyen de croissance en Afrique (5%). Cet homme d’affaire a demandé « par qui » était portée cette croissance ? On pourrait ajouter : « par quoi » ?

Visiblement pas par les PME/PMI locales. Car la vérité est que nos économies et nos secteurs privés sont trop faibles pour créer suffisamment d’emplois. Nos industries et notre production locale de biens et services sont quasi inexistantes. Nous importons donc la plupart de nos biens de consommation courante et, par la même occasion, ainsi que l’a rappelé le représentant du Bénin, nous importons le chômage de nos jeunes.

C’est pourquoi, je souscris pleinement à la réaction du Ministre marocain en charge de la Formation professionnelle qui a préconisé une autre évaluation des critères de la croissance.

Il me semble en effet qu’il est temps de prendre en compte la théorie de l’économiste anglais Tim Jackson selon laquelle la croissance telle qu’envisagée actuellement est insoutenable.

Dans un rapport remis au gouvernement britannique par la Commission Britannique du Développement Durable, il propose, entre autres, de remplacer l’utilisation des énergies fossiles par du travail humain.,, notamment des “emplois verts” dans le bâtiment, les transports, l’agriculture.

Il émet également l’idée de création d’entreprises et d’emplois écologiques, qui améliorent la qualité de vie en produisant des services relationnels locaux. Ces services peu intensifs en énergie permettraient de diminuer le chômage sans pour autant créer de croissance.

En attendant que nos entreprises aient suffisamment de vigueur pour créer des emplois, il appartient à la puissance publique de le faire. Dans nos états en construction et/ou en développement, les grands projets d’infrastructures devraient pouvoir absorber ces cohortes de jeunes chômeurs. Les services sociaux de base également quand ont sait que les quotas imposés à nos administrations sont loin de couvrir les besoins réels en ressources humaines chargées des services publics. Combien de nos hôpitaux et de nos écoles manquent encore de médecins ou d’instituteurs ?

Nos économies africaines sont des héritages des systèmes occidentaux et ont continué à être formatées pour répondre aux standards imposés par nos partenaires économiques et financiers. Les puissances du G 7 et du G 20 sont toutes en train de s’interroger sur leur modèle économique quand elles n’ont pas carrément commencé à les remettre en question. Les gouvernements les plus libéraux font intervenir l’Etat pour sauver des entreprises privées. Il est temps que l’Afrique s‘interroge sur son propre modèle économique. Celui-là qui lui donnera une croissance saine, durable et créatrice de prospérité pour l’ensemble de sa population.

Albert Damantang Camara, Ministre  de l’Enseignement Technique, de la Formation professionnelle, de l’Emploi et du Travail, Guinée. Email: damantang@msn.com

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Training without a Soul

By Claudio de Moura Castro, Positivo, Belo Horizonte, Brazil.

Brazil shared the traditional disdain of Iberian countries towards working with one`s hands.

senaiSENAI had a decisive role in reversing prejudice and creating a well-prepared labor force. Being a private agency, run by industrialists and funded by a levy on industrial payroll, it had what it takes to face this arduous task of going against the grain of local culture. German and Swiss role models were grafted into the DNA of the institution. It was training with a Swiss soul, since this was the nationality of the first director in charge.

The system has been around since 1942 and remains effective, as well as impressive. However, there are signs that the sailing is not as smooth as one could think; there are conflicting signals.

Candidates for the “classic” occupations, such as machinists, carpenters, brick masons and several others are shrinking. Dropouts are more numerous. And the proportion choosing to work in the occupations learned is lower.

At the same time, there has been a massive increase in the pay of these same occupations, far more than for any others. It is somewhat bizarre, more pay and less interest in these same occupations.

What is going on? Funded by SENAI, I am beginning an inquiry into this puzzling situation.

One possible reason is the combination of more vacancies for higher education and higher levels of schooling of the young work force.  Many more students reach or finish secondary education, making them closer to the enticement of a magic university diploma. In addition, there has been an expansion in fellowships and student loans, making the temptations more reachable. Even if youth fail to enter higher education, its magnetism deflates the possible interest they could have for trade training.

Another hypothesis is the growth of the service sector. Regardless of pay, work is lighter and has greater prestige. As someone said to me: it is better to be a security guard in a shopping center than a machinist.

In addition, there is a third persuasive cause and it is inside SENAI.

In the last few decades, SENAI considerably expanded its secondary technical courses. It also created two-year post-secondary programs. In parallel, it is boosting its R&D and innovation activities. The result is a change in the center of gravity of the institution. The new activities require a lot more masters and PhDs and hardly any craftsmen. More money and discussions focus on these higher-end activities. Nothing is wrong with this new emphasis. It is a mandatory direction to be taken, considering the technologies deployed by modern industry. But the unavoidable consequence is a decreased attention to trade training.

Turners and woodworkers are taught as before. But, perhaps, something is missing. Are the trade instructors as proud as they were? Has their leadership towards the students slackened? Is there less effort put into training them? Is their heart and soul still in it?

I visited a very fine school of natural gas technology, with a serious applied research agenda. After the visit I realized that the highly sophisticated managers did not show me the workshops where students were trained to convert gasoline automobiles into gas combustion. One cannot imagine that students and instructors fail to perceive that their position is seen as inferior, considering that their workshops did not deserve being shown to visitors.

When I first compared SENAI with its European counterparts, it struck me that it was using its facilities and instructors to offer courses of widely different levels to a broad clientele of students. It could be training in a simple trade or a post-graduate program. That seemed a very efficient way of deploying resources. In comparison, European institutions catered to much narrower sets of students.

In hindsight, we can see that mixing high and low status occupations in the same school can be detrimental to those at the bottom end of the spectrum.

This is not a hopeless situation. By the same token that SENAI was able to prepare a generation of proud workers, when conditions were much more difficult, it must be relatively easy to pay a lot more attention to convert the soul of the students, not just deliver the curricula and operate workshops.

Be that as it may, these are conjectures, based on observation, rather than systematic research. The forthcoming study will confirm or deny the above speculations.

 

Claudio de Moura Castro, Positivo, Belo Horizonte, Brazil. Email: claudiodemouracastro@me.com

 

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